THE ROLE OF RELIGIOUS ORGANISATIONS AND NETWORKS IN THE SYRIAN INTEGRATION PROCESSES IN TURKEY

Th is study examines the potential impact of religious organisations and networks on refugee integration processes. It focuses on the experiences of Muslim Syrian refugees in Turkey to address the questions of how pre-war religious networks and institutions evolve during forced migration and what types of functions they carry out in the refugees’ integration in Turkey. Th e study adopts the integration theory of Alastair Ager and Alison Strang (2008) as an analytical framework. Drawing from ethnographic research -combining in-depth interviews with document analysis-the study proposes three fi ndings. First, Syrian religious communities seek to institutionalise and maintain their networks during their international migration process. Second, religious institutions and networks serve as a sanctuary for refugees. By participating in religious organisations and networks, refugees have accumulated their socio-cultural capital and gained advantages in accessing aid and public services. Th e feeling of belonging provides them partial psychological comfort and coping opportunity against the trauma of war and migration and a means for attributing meaning to the hardships they experience. Th ird, while religious education is the primary function of these institutions and networks, they also serve as social bridges and linkage points between the host community and refugees. Finally, the study provides some fi ndings of the limitations of networks, including the risk of emergence of parallel lives, social closure, and marginalisation. Th e fi ndings contribute to the growing scholarship on refugee integration in the immediate host countries as well as migration and religion nexus.


Introduction
e exper ence of l v ng together, wh ch s conceptual sed as ntegrat on n the soc ology of m grat on, s a cruc al ssue for both host commun t es and refugees. Integrat on can be def ned as the bu ld ng of cohes on between hosts and refugees, n soc al, econom c, legal, pol t cal and cultural d mens ons and the recogn t on of r ghts and respons b l t es by both commun t es (Castles et al., 2002;Favell, 2001;Penn nx, 2003;2005).
However, the ex st ng stud es have not addressed the the role of SRONs n the ntegrat on processes that necess tates n-depth case study. s art cle a ms to f ll th s gap w th an emphas s on Şanlıurfa prov nce for at least three reasons. F rst, the number of Syr ans reg stered n Şanlıurfa are around 429,771, cons st ng of the twenty percent of the prov nce's total populat on.
Second, the prov nce s located at the Turkey-Syr a border result ng n the f rst arr val hub for many Syr ans. e close k nsh p t es and trade relat ons have ex sted across border towns for decades. rd, the c ty s known as a rel g ously conservat ve c ty and the rel g ous networks are part and parcel of the c ty's fabr c, thereby attract ng conservat ve sect on of syr ans who m ght rec eve support from rel g ous networks n the ntegrat on process. e c tknown rel g ously conservat ve c ty that attracts conservat ve Syr ans, and rel g ous t es m ghtplay a role n the ntegrat on process.
e scope of th s art cle s l m ted to Syr an Musl ms, although the study recogn ses the heterogene ty of rel g ous groups ex st ng n the d splaced Syr an commun ty. e study adopts a qual tat ve methodology, wh ch enables better re ect on on the perspect ves and agency of Syr an refugees.
e study prov des mportant ns ghts nto the soc al character st cs of Syr an refugees, l festyles, and soc o-cultural values concern ng SRO-N.

Theoretical framework: International migration, integration and religion
Although there s not yet an agreed def n t on, theory and model of ntegrat on, t can be generally understood as a two-ways of cohes on process nvolv ng both m grants and host commun t es. e process leads to the transformat ons n the values, norms, and behav ours of two commun t es expected to manage compet t on, reduce tens ons and create a safety net for commun t es and nd v duals w th compet ng nterests (Castles et al., 2002;Park and Burgess, 2017;Park, 2018). e ntegrat on has at least three ma n d mens ons, nclud ng legal-pol t cal, soc o-econom c, and cultural and rel g ous r ghts (Penn nx, 2003;2005).
In the ntegrat on scholarsh p, Alasta r Ager and Al son Strang (2008) o ered one of the prom nent theoret cal frameworks e r comprehens ve model proposes elements central to 'successful' ntegrat on that nclude ach evement and access across the sectors of employment, educat on, hous ng, and health; soc al br dges, soc al bonds and soc al l nks; language and cultural knowledge, safety and stab l ty; and r ghts and stab l ty. e Ager and Strang's theory also prov des a prom s ng framework to exam ne the relat onsh p between rel g on and soc al networks as t has an exclus ve focus on 'soc al' n the ntegrat on process. However, the theory has not d scerned rel g on as a component of ntegrat on. e theory proposes that soc al bonds are constructed not only w th fam ly and co-ethn c but also w th co-rel g ous. Soc al br dges are bu lt w th other commun t es, wh le soc al l nks refer to t es w th the structures of the state (Ager and Strang, 2008). e category of soc al bonds encompasses the part c pat on n rel g ous collect ves and assoc at ons as well as the percept ons about the freely pract s ng rel g ous worsh p and r tuals. Concern ng soc al br dges, encounters n worsh p s tes are l sted among the examples of shared act v t es between refugee and host commun t es. Lastly, under the safety category, the ssue of report ng the v olence, abuse or even the threat percept on s noted as a 'successful' ntegrat on cr ter a.
s art cle also engages w th current theoret cal d scuss ons about the rel g on-m grat on relat onsh p. Some relevant f nd ngs can be br e y mapped as follows. Emp r cal stud es underl ne at least three funct ons of rel g on for nternat onal m grants. It takes a central role n m grants' l ves as the place of 1) refuge/sanctuary, 2) respectab l ty, and 3) resource seek ng (H rschman, 2004). Dur ng m grat on, rel g on helps m grants feel sp r tual ty, make g ves mean ngs aga nst the losses, reduces the r stress level, prov de access to soc al support, and engage w th what s valued as the Holy (Hollenbach, 2014, p.6).
Moreover, rel g on prov des m nor ty commun t es, and nd v duals support, soc al protect on, moral codes, self-esteem and pos t ve selfpercept on that work as e ect ve compensat on tools (Dumont, 2003).
It m ght e ther fac l tate or mpede engag ng w th the host commun t es.
e rel g ous bel efs and pract ces of m grants transform under the cond t ons and dynam cs of the host country (Bader, 2015, p.109). e lack of engagement or l m ted encounters may lead to soc al segregat on that may take the form of "parallel l ves" (Cantle, 2008). e content of engagements among commun t es may shape the rel g ous pract ces (Garha and Dom ngo, 2019). Rel g os ty, ntersected w th the ethn c or g n of m grants, n uences m grat on dec s ons and the select on of dest nat on n the f rst place (Fernando, 2020); later on, t may also catalyse ntegrat on (Borup and Ahl n, 2011 Informal soc al networks are m cro-structures developed by m grants to cope w th the challenges of d splacement and settlement. Informal networks nclude commun ty bonds and rec procal soc al and econom c relat ons (Castles and M ller, 2008, p.37). Rel g ous organ sat ons of m grants may emerge as nformal collect ves or networks and formal ent t es such as assoc at ons or foundat ons regulated by the host country's law and regulat ons. ey may organ se fa th groups, support them and turn them nto a source of mpact (Furbey et al., 2006). Dur ng nternat onal m grat on, they may cont nue these funct ons; add t onally, they support m grants n cop ng w th trauma and losses and contr bute to the r ntegrat on (Leman, 1999;Dumont, 2003;H rschman, 2004;Hollenbach, 2014).
Although Turkey s used to be the country of m grat on, the number of stud es address ng the rel g ous exper ences of m grant commun t es s l m ted (Danış, 2010;Erkan, 2016). Some stud es have recently d scussed some facets of rel g on n the Syr an refugees' exper ence n Turkey. It s found that co-rel g os ty around Islam s one reason for select ng Turkey as Syr ans' m grat on and settlement dest nat on. Also, common rel g on appeared to boost the a d del very of locals to Syr ans and a var able med at ng the potent al prejud ces and xenophob a towards Syr ans (Erkan, 2016;Erdoğan, 2017;Kaya, 2017;Nawyn, 2019). A prom nent study about Syr an refugees carr ed out n Gaz antep found that the common rel g on of refugees and host commun t es act as a med at ng factor n the soc al tens ons or nc dences; t helps to conv nce host commun ty to accept the presence of the refugees (Erkan, 2016). Another study address ng the fa thbased organ sat ons n Şanlıurfa prov des ev dence for the potent al, but st ll l m ted, med ator role of hav ng a common fa th. e study llustrates how rel g ous commun ty leaders and local nst tut ons (e.g. mun c pal t es, assoc at ons, and governorates) reduce tens ons by us ng rel g ous d scourses accepted as reference po nts by con ct ng part es (Şah n Mencütek, 2020).
Emp r cal stud es prov de some ns ghts nto how SRONs serve as "trusted sanctuar es" and "home beyond home" for m grants. At the same t me, they act as educat onal s tes where they learn how to commun cate w th host commun t es and how to ntegrate (Kaya, 2015, p.157). Desp te some n t al ns ghts, there s not yet a comprehens ve emp r cal study wh ch exam nes the potent al funct ons of transnat onal rel g ous networks n the ntegrat on processes of Syr an refugees n Turkey. s art cle a ms to f ll th s gap. An emphas s on rel g ous networks n the border prov nces would be better contr bute to the l terature.
Prov nces located at the Turkey-Syr a border have h stor cally rooted transnat onal t es, as d scussed n a few stud es (P nto, 2006;Aras 2018).
Rel g ous networks, part cularly Suf orders, have been act vely present on th s borderl ne. For example, P nto's prom nent research exam nes the close transnat onal rel g ous orders (or tar qah) extend ng from Kurd sh Kad r orders n Aleppo to Syr an Jazhra and Kurd sh Naks bend lodges.
He shows how these transnat onal Suf Kurd sh rel g ous orders are also nst tut onal sed beyond the nat onal state borders (P nto, 2006; 2010). e research of P nto shows that belong ng to a Suf order and Seyhk prov des ts members w th some pr v leges n the publ c sphere, turn ng nto a source of soc o-econom c cap tal. It also proposes that organ sat ons and networks of rel g ous orders bu ld some t es w th Aleppo's urban s tes and Afr n's rural areas that contr bute to carry ng our med at ng funct ons of these orders.
Another prom nent ethnograph c research on th s top c s by Ramazan Aras, who shows how rel g ous networks ma nta n Islam c and local l v ng styles n the border towns and act vely grow desp te the pressure of pol t cal reg mes n educat on and settlement. One of these surv v ng networks s Khaznav order/school, w th transnat onal l nks extend ng to Syr a and Turkey (Aras, 2018). Khaznav used to be the largest Suf tar qah n Syr a.
As ment oned above, Şanlıurfa s a potent al s te to trace such rel g ous orders. e case s representat ve because some Suf leaders n Şanlıurfa have fam l al roots n Syr a or have cont nu ng l nks w th Suf orders across the border. Hence, t s expected that the r exper ence concern ng forced d splacement from Syr a and ntegrat on attempts n Turkey s worthwh le to zoom on t as attempted n th s research.

Methodology
e study rel es on the content analys s techn que, a qual tat ve research methodology. s study used a sem -structured nterv ew gu de wh ch was prepared w th reference to ten ntegrat on themes dent f ed by Ager and Strang (2008). e knowledge about local context s used to spec f c quest ons regard ng the potent al of SRONs. As nterv ews are conducted at the s tes of SRONs, such as the classes of lectures, houses, or dorm tor es, the author had also undertaken part c patory observat on about usage places, v s tors, and nteract ons. Add t onally, the document and med a analys s collected nformat on about act v t es, relat ons and nc dences that m ght not be addressed n nterv ews. Med a analys s covers local and nat onal med a outlets for 2020-21, emphas s ng SRONs' nvolvement n ntegrat on d mens ons descr bed by Ager and Strang (2008). e med a analys s s also used to ver fy data collected n nterv ews. F eld research was carr ed out between February and July 2021. Un vers ty's Eth cs Boards granted eth cal approval w th the dec s on. (2019/68) Snowball techn que was used to collect the data that was ma nly collected from leaders, managers and members of rel g ous networks to explore the r percept ons and mean ng-mak ng about ntegrat on. e nterv ew sample s 43, cons st ng of 36 Syr ans closely a l ated w th 6 formal (assoc at ons) and 20 nformal rel g ous organ sat ons and seven local key nformants. 1 e sample can be cons dered representat ve of the Şanlıurfa s te. e present study conducted s xteen nterv ews w th s x formal and twenty nterv ews w th nformal organ sat ons by us ng snowball techn que to access to these organ sat ons. Out of 36 nterv ewees w th Syr ans, twenty-e ght were men and e ght were women. e less part c pat on of women s due to the mascul ne structure of rel g ous nst tut ons. Add t onally, I conducted seven nterv ews w th local rel g ous organ sat ons and nd v duals that have close a l at on w th Syr an rel g ous networks. e nterv ew sample s representat ve w th regards to var at ons n organ sat on types (formal/ nformal; refugee-led/locals led), nterv ewees' roles n organ sat ons (leader, manager, member) and the r compos t on (age, gender, occupat on, educat on level). e collected data were analysed by us ng qual tat ve methodology, 1-It should be noted that formal Syr an nst tut ons o en take the form of assocat ons reg stered w th the Şanlıurfa Prov nce C v l Soc ety Relat ons Department. In contrast, nformal organ sat ons are not reg stered, known as madrasa, dargah (lodge) or Quran c courses. Accord ng to the 2020 o c al records of Şanlıurfa Prov nce C v l Soc ety Relat ons, there are seven reg stered formal assoc at ons formed by Syr ans n the c ty. However, t s est mated that the number of such rel g ous organ sat ons and network s h gher than the o c al records; there are dozens of nformal organ sat ons. At least 25 Syr an or g n madrasas that focus on rel g ous educat on are present n the c ty (Kaya, 2018; Şah n Mencütek, 2020).
part cularly the content analys s techn ques. A er transcr b ng nterv ew mater al and clean ng the data drawn from d g tal med a, all dataset s coded and then categor sed us ng Ager ve Strang's themes (2008). Wh le analys ng the data, I pa d spec f c attent on to the representat on of d erent v ews. e data s ut l sed to re ect on n wh ch ways SRONs nvolve n ntegrat on processes n the g ven sectors and ssue areas. ese nclude sectors of educat on, health, hous ng, employment. e areas nclude second language acqu sat on, soc al sat on ncreas ng the qual ty of l fe w th n the Turk sh commun ty and f nally, bu ld ng soc al t es. ese would be elaborated further below.

Findings
Basic needs and service sectors: Employment, Sheltering/Housing,

Education and Health
Integrat on starts w th access to bas c needs and serv ces and the role of SRONs n th s regard s not ceable. SRONs contr bute, w th the r l m ted resources and capac t es, to prov d ng job opportun t es, health and educat on fac l tes to Syr ans.. Notably, they serve as referral hubs and cultural med ators. ey use the r soc al cap tal to ac l tate some refugees' job search, as noted by an nterv ewee: "We nform our appl cants about how they should make reg strat on to benef t from human tar an a d, where to v s t to seek a d. Part cularly we help many refugees n f nd ng shelters and jobs" (Male, 43, Qur'an c course lecturer). Another nterv ewee stated, "We  A pres dent of Syr an assoc at on told that "we gu de our commun ty and help them n hous ng. We pay the f rst two months rents of Syr an fam l es who v s t us here" (Male, 38, Pres dent of an assoc at on from Aleppo).
S m lar to formal assoc at ons, nformal ones also support the commun ty n shelter ng. One member of a rel g ous order (brotherhood) reported that "when I had f rst m grated here, I had not have any belong ngs, our fr ends from Şazel tar qah helped me, they rented a house on behalf of me, bought home appl ances for me, and supported me n bas c needs. " (Male,48,teacher). In add t on to the r support n rent ng houses, SRONs also prov de shelters as they have dorm tor es and communal accommodat on places (shared hous ng un ts) for lecturers and students of the commun ty. Such s tes ma nly g ve to the temporal use of vulnerable groups, l ke orphans or w dows of the commun ty. " A woman d rector prov des some ns ghts about such mechan sms: Our assoc at on ma nly deals w th fam l es hav ng orphans and w dows. Some of them do not have any hous ng. We allow them to stay n our accommodat ons for a wh le; we meet the r all needs.
Dur ng the r stay, we search for an appropr ate house to rent on behalf of them (woman, 48, teacher).
In educat on, foundat ons and madrasas establ shed by Suf orders prov de educat on and human tar an a d to Syr an refugees. Bes des rel g ous educat on, they also engage n soc o-cultural act v t es and vocat onal tra n ng. e r student body cons sts of both local and Syr an students. e act v t es' content shares students' compos t on, nclud ng ch ldren, youth, and adults. Profess onals d ssem nate rel g ous educat on, wh le nonprofess onals g ve other p eces of tra n ng. At the end of educat on/tra n ng sess ons, they organ se d ploma celebrat ons w th the fund ng prov ded by local organ sat ons, as not ced n the med a analys s n th s research. One nterv ewee states that " n the refugee commun ty, many women and ch ldren encounter w th depress on. We help them cope w th depress on, encourage them to bu ld soc al connect ons and prov de opportun t es for relaxat on" (man, 62, scholar/coord nator from Rasulayn). In the support process, such organ sat ons o en use rel g ous sources and references from the Quran, the l fe of the Prophet and Islam c h story, as ment oned by one nterv ewee: O en young Syr ans come to v s t us, but the r psycholog cal wellbe ng s not good. We preach them draw ng from ayat (Quran c verses) and hadiths.We bel eve that the Quran s the source of health.
We recommend that they rec te ayat n the Quran about health and focus on them (Man, 43, Khaznav She kh).
SRONs also prov de awareness-ra s ng sem nars on ch ld development, gynaecolog cal d seases, personal hyg ene, breast cancer, and early marr ages f they have human cap tal such as health personnel among the r fellows (Man, 37, D rector of foundat on).

Language courses, socialisation and quality of life
One of the cr t cal components of ntegrat on s language. Refugees who are able to speak the host country's language can have better access to publ c serv ces, and employment and bu ld more soc al t es w th the host commun t es. s s also the case for the Syr an commun ty n Turkey, who ma nly speak Arab c and Kurd sh. Some have looked to learn Turk sh from the r arr vals.
SRONs also get nvolved n the language learn ng/teach ng n the host country. ey do t both by profess onal teachers and volunteers. In the o c ally reg stered assoc at ons, Profess onal teachers hold ng o c al cert f cates o er language courses and the same task s ofen carr ed out by volunteers n non-reg stered rel g ous organ sat on due to nadequate fund ng.
One lecturer n a Quran c course expla ned why they emphas se language learn ng n the follow ng words: We ma nly mot vate newcomer students to learn Turk sh, and we prov de language courses to enable d alogue among ch ldren.
When Syr ans learn Turk sh, they would be able to bu ld good commun cat on w th ch ldren n the r ne ghbourhoods; hence potent al tens ons w ll be el m nated (Woman, 48, Quran c course lecturer).
Dur ng the prov s on of rel g ous educat on, some lecturers g ve nstruct ons and organ se act v t es both n Turk sh and Arab c to contr bute to language acqu s t on. S nce these mult l ngual methods have been mplemented by profess onals lack ng pedagog cal tra n ng, the outcomes are not very prom s ng but rather cause some learn ng d cult es among students.
Bes des the r ntended contr but ons to language learn ng, the courses also look to preserve the dent ty of Syr ans, as noted by one Syr an lecturer: We used to prov de Turk sh serv ces n t ally but not ced the r Arab c sk lls weaken as they/we pr or t se Turk sh. Our emphas s s now on teach ng Arab c languages to Syr an students and prevent ng the ..In our lecture, we always rem nd our Syr an students not to have hookah n publ c parks and be k nd n us ng publ c buses. We rem nd them that "we are guests here, and we should behave l ke a guest by respect ng and adapt ng the customs and rules of the hosts" (Man, 50, Quran c course lecturer).
SRONs also emphas se the shared h story and culture shared by Turk sh and Syr an people to bu ld broader soc o-cultural l nks that are bel eved to contr bute to soc al harmony and cohes on. In the words of an nterv ewee: " e most mportant source of commonal ty between Turks and us s Quran. e force that br ngs us together s Quran. Bes des t, our customs and culture are s m lar, th s s also an mportant factor" (Woman, 45, Scholar/Quran c course lecturer) .
It s also worthwh le to refer belong ng, safety and soc al stab l ty as factors promot ng the des re for ntegrat on and engagement w th host commun t es.
Syr an m grants feel safe and secure when they exper ence peace and wellbe ng n the r new settlment. Some p ous Syr ans seem to be mot vated by the c ty's conservat ve outlook and n the transnat onal rel g ous/tar qah sphere of n uence extend ng from Syr a. e words of One Nakhsh bend she kh, a Syr an refugee, llustrate how these transnat onal networks also ntersect w th h stor cal, fam l al, k nsh p and rel g ous t es n the Şanlıurfa reg on.
No doubt that bes des all the pos t ve exper ences, there are also some cases of perce ved or real d scr m nat on nc dences target ng Syr an refugees.
Nevertheless, most nterv ewees talked about the s gns of soc al cohes on among host and refugee commun t es, but po nted out the ex stence of some structural ssues. For example, one nterv ewee reported: "Şanlıurfa is doing quite well in social cohesion. I do not observe violence, discrimination, and rac sm. e most mportant problems are unemployment and poverty. " (Woman, 51, Quran c course lecturer).

Social Contacts: Bonds, Bridges and Links
Ager ve Strang (2008)'s theory on ntegrat on ntroduces three types of soc al engagements formed by refugees: soc al bonds, soc al br dges, and soc al l nks. Soc al bonds refer to t es that emerge n fam ly, co-ethn cs, co-nat onals, co-rel g ons, etc. Soc al br dges refer to the connect ons that refugees form w th other groups. Soc al l nks refers to the r engagements w th state structures.
Research n Şanlıurfa llustrates that rel g on appears as one of the strongest bonds for the Syr an refugee commun ty, as ment oned by nterv ewees: " e t e l nk ng our students s Quran, n other words, our common rel g on.
Rel g on br ngs us together. We do not other ng anyone. We have both Suf and Naks bend lecturers" (Male, 30, Quran c course lecturer). ese bonds are nst tut onal sed through both formal organ sat ons and nformal collect v t es. Some of them are solely establ shed by refugees, wh le refugees and locals form others. 2 Although the n t al a m of the r format on s not on rel g on, many serve n rel g ous educat on prov s on. Some of them prov de subs d ary serv ces n med at on and 'alternat ve' just ce. One prom nent example s the Syr an Scholars Un on. e d rector of Şanlıurfa Branch sa d: As the Syr an Scholars Un on, we formed a comm ss on and Fam ly Gu dence Un t to tackle problems faced by Syr ans related to marr ages, d vorce, and fam l al a a rs. Syr an commun ty respects Scholars and they comply w th the r recommendat ons. Unt l now, we have rece ved 340 case appl cat ons; many of them have been about d vorce and w th n fam ly quarrels. Somet mes, we also observe tens ons/f ghts between Syr ans and local people that costs l ves. We ntervene such nc dences to med ate (Man, 44).
Another example of such nst tut onal sat on s an nformal ent ty called Syr a Shar a Assembly, establ shed n 2015. Several refugee academ cs, legal scholars, and commun ty leaders get nvolved n th s Assembly. L ke Scholars Un on ment oned above, t also focuses on the spec f c challenges encountered by Syr an refugees, con ct resolut on and carr es out some act v t es n the f eld of ntegrat on.
Relat on and nteract on modes n the rel g ous courses contr bute to bu ld ng soc al br dges between locals and Syr an refugees, thus br ng ng n ntegrat on nputs. Remarkably, the s tes of rel g ous tra n ng turn nto spaces for nteract ons and grounds for further engagements, as ment oned by women Quran c lecturer: My ne ghbours from the Turk sh commun ty come here to take Quran and Arab c lectures. ey also nv te us to the r own houses to rec te Quran together. Somet mes I read the Quran, somet mes, 2-For example, Syr a-Turkey Muhac r and Ensar Brotherhood Assoc at on s formed w th the collaborat on of Syr an and local people. they do t. Between 20 and 50 women jo n us. In Ramadan, th s happens more regularly l ke everyday due to the well-known r tual of hatim (complet ng the Quran rec tat on from beg nn ng to end day) (Woman, 45, Quran c course lecturer). Another d mens on of soc al bonds s those w th the state nst tut ons. As ment oned above, some SRONs organ se courses or coord nate w th the prov nc al rel g ous d rectorate (Müftülük). Meanwh le, some act ve CSOs benef t from Arab c lectures there. One lecturer noted: "We prov de both the Arab c language and Quran c teach ng to the nat ve students. Even some o cers from the M grat on D rectorate came to us to get lectures. We also gave the Arab c courses to the o cers from Kızılay. (Woman,45,lecturer) Bes des language lectures, SRONs serve as a cultural med ators. One sa d Somet mes, a Syr an person v s ts us and tells us how 'the adm n strator un t of ne ghborhood (muhtarlık) d d not solve the r (paperwork) ssues. en we commun cate w th muhtarlık. Due to the respect for us, muhtarlık mmed ately resolves the problem of th s Syr an refugee. In some cases, t happens that half of the fam ly rema ns n Syr a. If we rece ve an nd v dual request about such matters from our c rcles, we g ve a call to our Dear Governor for ask ng h s help.
Bes des many pos t ve exper ences of l v ng together, some Syr an feel d ssat sf ed w th the treatment of the host commun t es and some degree of d scr m nat on and marg nal sat on and the challenges n access ng r ghts.
Notably, the temporary protect on status s quest oned and cr t c sed by some Syr an rel g ous leaders, as ment oned n the follow ng quotat on: "Syr ans under temporary protect on do not have the same r ghts as Turk sh c t zens or refugees. ey should be g ven e ther of th s status, nstead of temporary protect on" (Male, 44, Syr an Scholars Şanlıurfa Branch Pres dent) Almost all Syr an rel g ous actors agree to g ve Syr ans Turk sh c t zensh p opportun t es. One woman Quran course lecturer ment oned t: "All the r ghts ment oned n the un versal human r ghts should be g ven to Syr ans.
W thout d scr m nat ng, all the r ghts enjoyed by the local populat on should also be granted to Syr ans, nclud ng c t zensh p r ght" (Woman,45,lecturer).

Discussion
Research f nd ngs here llustrate how rel g ous organ sat ons and networks ma nta n the r pos t ons a er the forced d splacement exper ence and how they take part n the ntegrat on process. In general, such organ sat ons and networks have relat ons and nteract ons through the r l nks n border prov nces l ke Şanlıurfa, Gaz antep, K l s and Hatay and n the metropol tan areas where Syr ans l ve n large numbers such as İstanbul, Ankara, Bursa. e patterns of nst tut onal sat on, the types of act v t es, and fulf lled funct ons observed among Syr an refugees' rel g ous organ sat ons n th s study show many s m lar t es w th the examples d scussed n the l terature from across the work, part cularly the research strand on the nvolvement of organ sat ons and networks' n ntegrat on processes (H rschman, 2004;Foner and Alba, 2008;Eby et al., 2011;Massey et al, 2014;NASEM, 2015;G ordan and Zr nščak, 2018). e study shows that SRONs mpact the ntegrat on n relat on to the r level of resources and capac t es. ey get nvolved n and carry out substant al roles n the var ous the ntegrat on components descr bed n the theory of Ager and Strang (2008), nclud ng employment, hous ng/shelter, educat on, health, soc al br dges, soc al bonds, soc al l nks, language and culture, safety and stab l ty, r ghts and c t zensh p. ese w de ranges of the sphere of n uence can be attr buted to three funct ons of rel g ous organ sat ons and networks def ned by H rschman (2004) As ment oned n other mm grat on country contexts, m grat on networks prov de some opportun t es for refugees to f nd a job, hous ng and fac l tate border cross ng or f nanc ng onward m grat on (Haug, 2008).
Rel g ous organ sat ons and networks carry out med at ng and gu d ng roles n access ng to r ghts and serv ces (Chatelard, 2003;Danış, 2010). ey fac l tate benef ts from soc al a d, employment, and publ c serv ces n reg strat on, educat on, hous ng, and health ntegrat on sectors. Also, rel g ous leaders use the r resources and sphere of n uence to help new refugees tackle the bureaucrat c process. SRONs seem to be the sources of soc al cap tal for resources for bu ld ng trust relat ons, extend ng the commun cat on channels through local, nat onal and transnat onal f elds, the rel g ous leaders' sphere of n uence/power part c pate n the process that enables m grants access to resources and serv ces. ese f nd ngs al gn w th what s found n the example of Iraq refugees' rel g ous networks n Jordan (Chatelard, 2003).
Also, the f nd ngs of th s art cle re ect the Putnam's emphas s on soc al cap tal, n part cular d scuss ons about how soc al cap tal serves n bu ld ng br dges (Bourd eu 1986(Bourd eu , 1993F eld, 2008). It s worth underl n ng that the ntermed ator and gu dance funct ons of networks and the r role n the construct on of soc al cap tal, trust, and commun cat on channels cause h erarch cal power relat ons w th n the refugee commun ty. e power relat ons are not necessar ly among the refugee and the host state publ c serv ce prov ders, but nstead between refugee layman and the persons represent ng the rel g ous organ sat on/network as an ntermed ator n the host state publ c space. Also, rel g ous s tes funct on as the soc al sat on spaces for refugee ch ldren, youth and adult. As underl ned by Ayhan Kaya (2021), they emerged as d aspor c spaces n wh ch rel g ous groups m tate the homeland's symbols, colors, f gures, and cultural norms. ey contr bute to the educat on and soc al nteract ons between local and refugee commun t es as the Turk sh p ous publ c jo n n such act v t es on the one hand. On the other, they ncrease the r sk of soc al ghetto sat on as relat ons and nteract ons n such spaces cont nue n the l ne of patterns n the home country. Such ghetto sat on and the l m ted connect ons between home and host commun t es (Cantle, 2008) 1986;1993).
Al gn ng w th the f nd ngs of Jacobsen (2001, p.18), the study shows that the success of ntegrat on depends on the relat ons between the local populat on and refugees as much as t rel es on the host government pol c es, legal and pol t cal context, and, the durat on of nternat onal m grat on.
As ment oned above, such networks, however, r sk creat ng the d erent types of power relat ons and soc al polar sat on. In part cular, the nformal organ sat ons structurally do not comply w th the pr nc ples of legal ty, accountab l ty and transparency. e r further act ons are not pred ctable w th these character st cs, thus embedd ng the potent al to feed soc al tens ons or rregular t es. Desp te the general harmon ous soc al env ronment n the c ty regard ng home-host commun ty relat ons, there were s tuat ons n wh ch Syr ans faced w th locals' react ons. ey took the forms of d scr m nat on, marg nal sat on, and even a few nc dents of v olent threats target ng Syr ans or the r workplaces. Dur ng such tens ons wh ch m ght have aggravated f not prevented n the early phases, SRONs leaders took the med at ng roles and coord nated w th the local author t es n the jo ntly formed comm ss ons for tens on reduct on. e f nd ngs n th s study also show that SRONs tend to take act ve roles n advocat ng r ghts and c t zensh p n a lower tone. As underl ned by Ager ve Strang (2008, p.175), the host governments should be expl c t and concrete about the r natural sat on (c t zensh p acqu s t on) pol c es and refugees' r ghts to develop and mplement e ect ve ntegrat on pol c es.
However, th s s not the necessar ly a case n the ntegrat on and c t zensh p pol c es of Turkey; nstead, t s pretty complex and amb guous. SRONs gave mportance to the r ghts granted to Syr ans n Turkey, accepted t as the prerequ s te of soc al cohes on and got nvolved n publ c d scuss on, at least at local levels. It can be argued that such collect v t es play a role n the natural sat on processes and the part c pat on n pol t cs of the host country (NASEM, 2015, p.193).
In the sectoral base, the research f nd ngs conf rm comprehens ve ntegrat on stud es us ng survey data, such as the Syr an Barometer (Erdoğan, 2020).
S m lar to the general results, n my research, SRONs ment oned the relat vely h gh sat sfact on w th access to health and educat on serv ces.
However, they compla n about the obstacles n reg strat on process, work and travel perm ts. Add t onally, they also draw attent on to the ssue such as the amb gu t es n the natural sat on process, d cult es n the f nd ng jobs and explo tat on n the job market.

Conclusion
s art cle has focused on the role of SRONs n Turkey, draw ng from the analyt cal lense of Ager and Strang about the component of ntegrat on (2008). It has argued that SRONs are act vely nvolved n the ten d erent ntegrat on elements concern ng the r resources and capac t es. s s an mportant contr but on to the ntegrat on d scuss on about Syr ans at the emp r cal level, rel g on-ntegrat on nexus at the theoret cal level. Wh le the refugees' rel g ous organ sat ons and networks have not yet completed the r nst tut onal sat on processes n the new settlement country, they are the source of trust and belong ng for Syr ans, mak ng these organ sat ons and networks the refugee s te for them. Bes des the cogn t ve-emot onal contr but on of be ng a l ated w th these organ sat ons, m grants can access more resources and accumulate the r soc al cap tal. SRONs also serve as a part al remedy (or s te of comfort) aga nst the trauma of war, stress and psycholog cal problems caused by forced d splacement. Wh le such organ sat ons play a central role n bu ld ng soc al bonds for refugees, they also serve as to bu ld l nks and br dges w th the host commun ty. As these organ sat ons and networks enable nteract ons between commun t es, they also contr bute to reduc ng potent al tens ons. ey carry out substant al ntermed atory and gu d ng roles n Syr ans' access to human tar an ass stance and publ c serv ces (educat on, health), meet ng bas c (hous ng) and access ng the l vel hoods through employment.
Nevertheless, these ntermed ary roles n access ng r ghts and serv ces g ve these organ sat ons a d scret on power that m ght generate h erarch cal patronage relat ons over refugees. e pr mary m ss on of many organ sat ons s to mpart rel g ous educat on. However, due to the r nformal status, the surv val of these organ zat ons s cont ngent upon the d scret on of local state author t es.It s essent al to note that, rel g ous groups/organ sat ons/ networks -n def n t on-are exclus onary because they pr or t se 'us' those